The article discusses the ongoing debate regarding the applicability of the Right to Information (RTI) Act to the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI). While the BCCI maintains it is a private commercial body, various entities like the Supreme Court and the Law Commission have highlighted its public duties, monopoly status, and significant state benefits (e.g., tax exemptions, use of public infrastructure, police deployment). The Central Information Commission (CIC) recently ruled to exclude the BCCI from the RTI Act, reversing a previous order. The article argues that courts should treat tax exemptions as state grants and suggests amending Section 2(h) of the RTI Act to include bodies discharging public duties, especially those with monopoly power, while also considering their commercial interests.
The article discusses the controversies surrounding the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET-UG), including paper leaks, corruption, and administrative lapses by the National Testing Agency (NTA). It explores the debate on whether the exam should be decentralized, with arguments for and against a national single-window exam. Proponents of decentralization highlight the disadvantages faced by rural, poor, and government school students due to unequal access to coaching and resources, and suggest allowing states to conduct their own exams. They also point to issues with private medical college fee regulation and the high-stakes nature of the exam. The article mentions the K. Radhakrishnan Committee's recommendations, such as a two-stage examination system and limiting attempts, which were largely not implemented. It emphasizes the need for reforms to ensure fairness, equity, and reduce student distress.
The article critically examines the World Press Freedom Index, published by Reporters Without Borders, which ranks India at 157. It questions the methodology and criteria of such global rankings, highlighting that they often fail to account for societal diversity, cultural contexts, and the quality of journalism itself. The author points out that while some countries with less democratic traditions rank higher, the index does not consider issues like racism in the 'freest' press. The article also notes the decline in press freedom in India, citing the rare occurrence of press conferences by the Prime Minister and the increasing control exerted by both state and market forces on the media, leading to a one-way communication street in political discourse. It concludes that while rankings are blunt instruments, they do indicate broad patterns of stress on the Indian media.
The Supreme Court dismissed a petition to halt the caste census, which is planned as part of the delayed Census 2027. The Chief Justice of India emphasized the need for the government to know the number of backward people requiring welfare. This marks a significant policy shift for the Narendra Modi government, which had previously opposed the idea. The last comprehensive caste enumeration was in 1931. Post-independence, early governments avoided caste enumeration to discourage caste reinforcement, despite simultaneously implementing positive discrimination policies. The 2027 census will involve asking individuals their specific caste, unlike previous censuses that only recorded Scheduled Caste/Tribe status. A previous attempt, the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) 2011, faced significant data errors and its findings remain largely unpublished. The article highlights the paradox of using caste data for welfare while aiming for a casteless society, noting that while it can help target welfare, it may also ossify identities.
The article critically analyzes the Union Ministry of Home Affairs' (MHA) stance against granting Ladakh a legislature or Sixth Schedule status, instead offering administrative decentralization through additional districts. It argues that the MHA's reasons (sparse population, strategic sensitivity, financial dependence) echo colonial logic and contradict India's federal principles and historical precedents set by Northeast states. The author emphasizes that districts are administrative tools, not instruments of political representation, and highlights the government's broken promises regarding constitutional safeguards post-Article 370 abrogation. The article concludes by asserting Ladakh's right to self-governance for dignity, effective decision-making on local issues, and stronger integration into the Indian Union.
The article argues that the Promotion and Regulation of Online Gaming (PROG) Act, 2025, which aimed to protect vulnerable populations from the adverse impacts of online games involving money, has been counterproductive. Instead of curbing the issue, the ban implemented by the Act has led to a significant rise in the use of illegal offshore betting and gambling platforms. These platforms not only circumvent domestic laws but also pose risks of money laundering and terror financing. The author advocates for a strong regulatory framework with accountability and consumer safeguards, similar to approaches in the UAE and Sri Lanka, rather than outright bans, to effectively address the challenges and generate tax revenue.
